OPPOSITION

Beijing made its disapproval clear as soon as the five announced their plans on January 11. It warned such a move was a direct challenge to the central government’s authority.

Professor Xu Chongde of Renmin University in Beijing, a member of the 1980s committee that drew up Hong Kong’s post-1997 mini-constitution, the Basic Law, told the local South China Morning Post newspaper that the five legislators were “wasting taxpayers’ money” and trying to fulfill a “selfish plan”.

The by-elections will cost taxpayers an estimated HK$150 million (US$19 million).

Pro-Beijing parties initially planned to contest the by-elections in the hope of increasing their presence in the Legislative Council, but after Beijing denounced the resignation, they backed out.

A recent public survey conducted by the Public Opinion Programme (POP) at the University of Hong Kong said 24% of respondents supported the collective resignation, while 50% opposed it.

The Democratic Party of Hong Kong, the biggest and oldest political party campaigning for universal suffrage, turned its back on its allies, who hail from two smaller and younger pro-democracy parties, the League of Social Democrats (LSD) and the Civic Party. It refused to allow its legislators to participate in the mass resignation.

Hong Kong’s chief executive Donald Tsang said in a statement earlier this month that he and his government will not recognize the by-elections as a referendum. He condemned the five legislators for not fulfilling their constitutional duties and said they should not “quit easily”.

A pro-Beijing member of the legislature is suggesting amendments to Hong Kong laws and stop legislators from resigning and then standing in by-elections to re-gain their seats.

DEFIANT

The five are unfazed by the line-up of opposition and criticism.

“We will turn our resignations into a platform,” Leung Kwok-hung, who represents the League of Social Democrats, told the Associated Press, “so that everyone can say what’s on their minds.”

The Civic Party’s Tanya Chan, said of her decision to resign that “if the fundamental core principles can be compromised then I think we can give up on life.”

SUPPORT

Some Hong Kong citizens lauded their actions.

“It is fortunate that we have five lawmakers to sacrifice their seats to awaken the Hong Kong people,” said Choi Shu Fang, a self-employed Hong Kong resident. “We need to grab the chance to get our referendum to push for full democracy.”

Others welcome the opportunity to debate the issue.

“It is like a big poll on the direction of democratic reforms,” said Yip Ho Leung, a Hong Kong student.

HEARD ON THE STREET

Deprived of the opportunity to vote in – or out – its government, Hong Kong people have a tendency to take to the streets when they want to make their views known.

Rarely a week goes by without a march or rally by residents petitioning for or against issues. They can range from extremely localised demands, such as opposition to the closure of a neighbourhood school, to major political protests.

In 2003, over 500,000 people marched in protest against a draft internal security law. The government capitulated and Hong Kong’s first Chief Executive eventually stood down. More than 30,000 people took the streets on the first day of 2010, demanding the release of Liu Xiaobo, a human right activist imprisoned by China. Earlier this month, in excess of 1,000 protesters rallied publicly against plans to build a costly high-speed rail link.

STREET VOX – FOR OR AGAINST?

“Of course I oppose it! I support the Communist Party.”  — Wong Kai Wa, 31, sales executive

“It makes people angry just to discuss the issue. The people who directed the resignation want to make things bad for Hong Kong. The resignation and referendum mimic the one that ex-Taiwanese President Chen Shui-bien tried to bring up. People who are well learned will realize that these troublemakers did it to serve their own vested interests.” –  Mr. Chan, around 70 (declined to be fully identified)

“We will support this movement. We have to boost the level of political awareness and morale of the movement before advancing further in democracy.” — Yu Tze-ho, form seven student

“It is because we felt that Hong Kong’s political reforms have been regressive, so the most peaceful way to achieve it is to use the votes in our hands. After 20 years of struggle, we only have 30 seats to be elected with geographical constituencies, and functional constituencies remain a very unfair electoral system. Since we have five lawmakers to sacrifice their seats to rally Hong Kong people, we need to grab the chance to get our referendum to obtain what we deserve [full democracy].” — Choi Shu Fang, self-employed businesswoman

“I come here to support the referendum. It is like a big poll for the people’s wishes. The poll results can be more scientifically obtained. Even if there are only 10% of the people who voted for the referendum, it will number in tens of thousands of people. It will show the government that they cannot ever again use polls to show that Hong Kong people support the government’s way to political reforms.” — Yip Ho Leung, A-Level student

“Beijing’s intention is obviously to drag out the process as long as possible in hopes that the public will eventually lose interest and learn to conform.  As mainlanders do.” — Suzanne Pepper, Hong Kong-based political scientist (as told to the Associated Press)