Produced by Rich Macauley and Andrea Fenn

Photo Right By Alex Hofford

Filed earlier:

RTHK’s The Pulse profiles the Post-80s Generation [External Report]

RTHK is a Hong Kong government-funded, editorially-independent radio and TV station broadcasting in Chinese and English.

The controversy has also injected new energy into campaigns for more democracy in the territory where only half the legislature is directly elected and the Chief Executive is selected by a hand-picked committee approved by Beijing.

Top Right: The siege of Legco. January 16, 2010. After a gruelling two day session, the bill giving the go-ahead to the high-speed Express Rail Link (XRL) was approved by a 31-21 vote, sparking off populist anger that resulted in scuffles with riot police on guard at the Legislative Council building. Photo by Alex Hofford.

Hong Kong’s new Express Rail Link (XRL) has been dubbed the most expensive railway in the world: HK$66.9 billion (US$8.6 billion) for 26 km of track. And that is part of the problem. Opponents argue the cost is too high in terms of both price and sacrifice — its construction requires the demolition of an entire village in the New Territories. Much of their anger is directed at what they perceive as government high-handedness and a lack of public discussion and accountability.

“There is no consensus in this society right now,” said activist Christina Chan, a student at The University of Hong Kong. “[The government] should do more consultation and should pull this back.”

The government argues the rail line — which was finally approved (opponents says railroaded through) – on January 16 after several marathon sittings in the Legislative Council — will allow passengers to travel from West Kowloon in Hong Kong to Guangzhou in 48 minutes.

Passengers will need to change once, because the rail link does not reach Guangzhou’s city centre, but instead stops in an outer suburb of the city, where it will connect to the rest of China’s ambitious high-speed rail network, currently under construction.

Critics argue the total travel time between the two cities will be only marginally shorter than the journey on the existing rail service and see Hong Kong’s determination to link to China’s new high-speed system as a result of political pressure from Beijing.

Many of the protesters were not against the prospect of constructing a rail link to Guangzhou, but were dissatisfied with the apparent inefficiency of the government’s decision-making.

“Actually we support the construction, but we oppose the high budget,” said City University student Alvin Tang.

“We have another proposal for around half the price. We’ve had many professional study analyses to prove our proposal is as good as [the government's], but they didn’t listen to us.”

Coming just days after a large rally for universal suffrage, on January 1, tensions ran high among protesters, spearheaded by young activists nicknamed the “Post-80s Generation” because many were born in the 1980s. They are a loose-knit organisation with no formal leadership who rely on social networking sites to organise their opposition.

Their indignation was fuelled when Christina Chan, a leading light among the Post-80s Generation, was subject to a high-profile arrest by plain-clothed police on 8 January, for allegedly assaulting a police officer at a rally several months earlier.

The Hong Kong Five angered Beijing by announcing they they would stand for re-election on a platform demanding full democracy by 2012 and if successful, this would demonstrate popular support for the quick  introduction of universal suffrage in Hong Kong. They declared the vote a referendum on reform.

Ma Ngok, a political scientist at the Chinese University of Hong Kong, said the legislators had resigned “partly out of frustration” over the snail’s pace of implementing universal suffrage in Hong Kong.

Photos: More than 1,000 supporters, rallying in support of the Hong Kong Five, staged an impromtu concert right after they announced their resignations. The Civic Party’s Audrey Eu (left) and LSD founder member, Leung Kwok-hung (right),  joined in. Photos by Rebecca Valli

Many in Hong Kong share this frustration, public opinion surveys show. But many also question whether a showdown with Beijing will help or hinder the campaign for full democracy in this former British colony.

The politically conservative pro-Beijing camp is united in condemning the action. But opinion is also divided among their allies in Hong Kong’s loose-knit pan-democratic community.

OPPOSITION

Beijing made its disapproval clear as soon as the five announced their plans on January 11. It warned such a move was a direct challenge to the central government’s authority.

Professor Xu Chongde of Renmin University in Beijing, a member of the 1980s committee that drew up Hong Kong’s post-1997 mini-constitution, the Basic Law, told the local South China Morning Post newspaper that the five legislators were “wasting taxpayers’ money” and trying to fulfill a “selfish plan”.

The by-elections will cost taxpayers an estimated HK$150 million (US$19 million).

Pro-Beijing parties initially planned to contest the by-elections in the hope of increasing their presence in the Legislative Council, but after Beijing denounced the resignation, they backed out.

A recent public survey conducted by the Public Opinion Programme (POP) at the University of Hong Kong said 24% of respondents supported the collective resignation, while 50% opposed it.

The Democratic Party of Hong Kong, the biggest and oldest political party campaigning for universal suffrage, turned its back on its allies, who hail from two smaller and younger pro-democracy parties, the League of Social Democrats (LSD) and the Civic Party. It refused to allow its legislators to participate in the mass resignation.

Hong Kong’s chief executive Donald Tsang said in a statement earlier this month that he and his government will not recognize the by-elections as a referendum. He condemned the five legislators for not fulfilling their constitutional duties and said they should not “quit easily”.

A pro-Beijing member of the legislature is suggesting amendments to Hong Kong laws and stop legislators from resigning and then standing in by-elections to re-gain their seats.

DEFIANT

The five are unfazed by the line-up of opposition and criticism.

“We will turn our resignations into a platform,” Leung Kwok-hung, who represents the League of Social Democrats, told the Associated Press, “so that everyone can say what’s on their minds.”

The Civic Party’s Tanya Chan, said of her decision to resign that “if the fundamental core principles can be compromised then I think we can give up on life.”

SUPPORT

Some Hong Kong citizens lauded their actions.

“It is fortunate that we have five lawmakers to sacrifice their seats to awaken the Hong Kong people,” said Choi Shu Fang, a self-employed Hong Kong resident. “We need to grab the chance to get our referendum to push for full democracy.”

Others welcome the opportunity to debate the issue.

“It is like a big poll on the direction of democratic reforms,” said Yip Ho Leung, a Hong Kong student.

HEARD ON THE STREET

Deprived of the opportunity to vote in – or out – its government, Hong Kong people have a tendency to take to the streets when they want to make their views known.

Rarely a week goes by without a march or rally by residents petitioning for or against issues. They can range from extremely localised demands, such as opposition to the closure of a neighbourhood school, to major political protests.

In 2003, over 500,000 people marched in protest against a draft internal security law. The government capitulated and Hong Kong’s first Chief Executive eventually stood down. More than 30,000 people took the streets on the first day of 2010, demanding the release of Liu Xiaobo, a human right activist imprisoned by China. Earlier this month, in excess of 1,000 protesters rallied publicly against plans to build a costly high-speed rail link.

STREET VOX – FOR OR AGAINST?

“Of course I oppose it! I support the Communist Party.”  — Wong Kai Wa, 31, sales executive

“It makes people angry just to discuss the issue. The people who directed the resignation want to make things bad for Hong Kong. The resignation and referendum mimic the one that ex-Taiwanese President Chen Shui-bien tried to bring up. People who are well learned will realize that these troublemakers did it to serve their own vested interests.” –  Mr. Chan, around 70 (declined to be fully identified)

“We will support this movement. We have to boost the level of political awareness and morale of the movement before advancing further in democracy.” — Yu Tze-ho, form seven student

“It is because we felt that Hong Kong’s political reforms have been regressive, so the most peaceful way to achieve it is to use the votes in our hands. After 20 years of struggle, we only have 30 seats to be elected with geographical constituencies, and functional constituencies remain a very unfair electoral system. Since we have five lawmakers to sacrifice their seats to rally Hong Kong people, we need to grab the chance to get our referendum to obtain what we deserve [full democracy].” — Choi Shu Fang, self-employed businesswoman

“I come here to support the referendum. It is like a big poll for the people’s wishes. The poll results can be more scientifically obtained. Even if there are only 10% of the people who voted for the referendum, it will number in tens of thousands of people. It will show the government that they cannot ever again use polls to show that Hong Kong people support the government’s way to political reforms.” — Yip Ho Leung, A-Level student

“Beijing’s intention is obviously to drag out the process as long as possible in hopes that the public will eventually lose interest and learn to conform.  As mainlanders do.” — Suzanne Pepper, Hong Kong-based political scientist (as told to the Associated Press)

Pictured right: L-R: Albert Chan Wai-yip, Alan Leung Kah-kit, Tanya Chan Suk-chong, Raymond Wong Yuk-man, and “Long Hair” Leung Kwok-hung. Photo by Nini Suet

CIVIC PARTY

1. ALAN LEUNG KAH-KIT
2. TANYA CHAN SUK-CHONG

Alan Leung Kah-kit

• Elected to Legco in 2008: Kowloon East constituency
• Vice Chairperson of Independent Police Complaints Council
• Chairman of Hong Kong Bar Association: 2001 to 2003
• Stood unsuccessfully against Donald Tsang in 2007 for selection as Chief Executive

• DOB: February 22, 1958
• Education: Law (Bachelor & Masters)
• Eldest child; three siblings
• Campaign slogan in the 2007 Chief Executive poll:

“The voting system was unfair and had to be changed in order to protect human rights and the rule-of-law as well as provide for better governance and quality of life.”

Tanya Chan Suk-chong

• Civic Party founding member
• Elected to Legco in 2008: Hong Kong Island constituency
• District Councillor, Central and Western District Council — Peak Constituency
• Chairperson of Young Civics

• DOB: September 14, 1971
• Education: Law (Bachelor & Post-Graduate Certificate)
• Nickname: Four-Eyes Chan / Zhou Xun of the Civic Party
• Personal Blog

• Brought up in a single-parent family by her mother
• Accomplished and enthusiastic amateur actor and performer
• Participated in the 1989 rallies in Hong Kong protesting against the bloody crackdown around Tiananmen Square

LEAGUE OF SOCIAL DEMOCRATS

1. RAYMOND “Mad Dog” WONG YUK-MAN
2. ALBERT CHAN WAI-YIP
3. “Long Hair” LEUNG KWOK-HUNG

Raymond Wong Yuk-man

• Co-founder and chairman, League of Social Democrats
• Elected to Legco in 2008: Kowloon West constituency
• Radical liberal Christian
• Radio chat show host
• Taught journalism at alma mater Chu Hai College in Tsuen Wan
• Owner of Yuk-Man Beef Noodles restaurant

• DOB: October 1, 1951
• Education: Journalism
• Nicknames: Din Gau (Mad Dog) / Beggar King
• Youtube Channel

• Took sabbatical from original radio talk show after being attacked by gangsters in 2004
• Failed publishing ventures (Mad Dog Daily and  Cyber Post) led to significant debt liabilities, since paid off
• Returned to radio with a new chat show in 2007

• October 2008 – interrupted Donald Tsang’s delivery of the Annual Policy Address by throwing bananas at the Chief Executive. He said he was protesting against plans to means-test the old-age allowance called “fruit money”
• March 2009 – Attempted to snatch the budget speech from the hands of Financial Secretary John Tsang Jun-wah part-way through Tsang’s speech. He said this was in protest about the absence of policies to help citizens weather the financial turmoil
  

Albert Chan Wai-Yip

• Co-founder, League of Social Democrats
• Elected to Legco 1991-1997, 2000 to present: New Territories West constituency
• Tsuen Wan District Councillor

• DOB: March 3 1955
• Education: Social Work
• Social worker, active in grass roots issues
• Believes the government is not genuinely committed to the electoral reform promised in the Hong Kong Basic Law

Leung Kwok-hung

• Co-founder, League of Social Democrats
• Elected to Legco in 2004: New Territories East constituency
• Self-proclaimed Trotskyist
• Member of the radical socialist April Fifth Action Group

• DOB: March 17, 1956
• Nickname: Long Hair (has vowed not to cut his hair until Beijing apologises for the Tiananmen crackdown)
• Personal Blog

Experiences:

• Jailed several times for public order offences such as disrupting Legco (before he was elected to the chamber) and for burning the Chinese national flag (resulting in involuntary haircuts)
• Refused entry to China in 2008 to visit earthquake-devastated areas of Sichuan

“My resignation is in keeping with my campaign promise. I want to fight for direct elections.”

On December 19, 1984, Britain and China signed the Joint Declaration, setting out the terms of the return of sovereignty of Hong Kong to China in 1997. China and Britain promised that Hong Kong’s freedoms and way of life would continue unchanged for 50 years. Hong Kong people were also promised “a legislature constituted by elections”.

As a result, this promise to implement democracy was contained in the Basic Law, drafted by a committee drawn from China and Hong Kong, which concluded its work in 1990.

TIMELINE

• June 30 / July 1, 1997

Sovereignty of Hong Kong is returned to China at midnight on June 30. In the early hours of July 1, the new administrations is sworn in and the Hong Kong Basic Law goes into effect. It states that the selection of Chief Executive is to be ultimately by means of Universal Suffrage (Article 45). But it also says the method for selecting the Chief Executive “shall be specified “in accordance with the principle of gradual and orderly progress.”

Article 45 also stipulates that universal suffrage is the ultimate goal. Under the Basic Law, electoral law could be amended to allow for this as soon as 2007.

• April 26, 2004

The Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress bars any substantial changes, ruling that “ in the circumstances, conditions do not exist for the selection of the Chief Executive by universal suffrage upon nomination by a broadly representative nominating committee in accordance with democratic procedures.” It also ruled out the election of all Legislative Council members by universal suffrage.

• December 29, 2007

The Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress rules there will be no reform until 2012. It postponed direct elections of the Chief Executive and Legislative Council respectively until 2017 and 2018 at the earliest.

• January 13, 2008

The Democratic Party handed in a petition of 10,000 signatures calling for universal suffrage to be realized in 2012, and protesting against the decision to delay it to maybe 2017.

• July, 2009

The League of Social Democrats unveils a plan to create a “referendum on universal suffrage”. One pan-democrat lawmaker in each of the city’s five geographical constituencies would  resign and seek re-election in a by-election. It declared the by-elections to be a referendum.

• January 11, 2010

The Civic Party and League of Social Democrats announce that one lawmaker from each of the five constituencies would resign on January 27.

• January 18, 2010

Secretary for Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Stephen Lam Sui-lung warns that any attempt to conduct a de facto referendum on Hong Kong’s electoral reform would be inconsistent with the Basic Law.

• 22 January 2010

Former Secretary for Justice (Attourney General) Elsie Leung Oi-sie warns of anarchy if referendums are held at will in Hong Kong, and says the government should consider changing the law to restrict Legco by-elections.

• 26 January, 2010

Tanya Chan and Alan Leong Kah-kit of the Civic Party, and Wong Yuk-man, Leung Kwok-hung and Albert Chan Wai-yip of the League of Social Democrats, resign form the Legislative Council to force territory-wide by-elections.